How I see the Delhi Elections as a Muslim

The National Capital is all set to witness its 8th Assembly elections this month. The atmosphere is charged with a war of words between the supporters of Jhadu and Kamal. AAP, after reigning successfully for more than 10 years, faces the possibility of losing its seemingly invincible position. Amidst all the speculations and questions surrounding their contributions to Delhi’s progress and what a fourth term for AAP would look like, there is a strong undercurrent within the Muslim community. Many Muslims feel they are not completely satisfied with the Kejriwal-led faction but believe they have no choice but to vote for him as he is “the lesser of the two evils.” As a Muslim migrant student in Delhi, living in one of the overly crowded, Muslim-dominated areas of Okhla, I present to you my views on the party and the issue at hand.

The Beginning….

The Aam Aadmi Party (translation: Common Man’s party) was established in 2012 by Arvind Kejriwal and his companions during the Anti-Corruption movement against the then-ruling INC government. In its initial years, amidst an atmosphere of scams and a drowning image of the Gandhi family and their party, AAP seemed relatable to the common man. They were a ray of hope with an educated man like Kejriwal himself, a relatively young and even well-known bunch of people like Kumar Viswas, and other seeming revolutionaries like Anna Hazare, Yoginder Yadav, and Prashant Bhushan.

The party offered a fresh perspective, promising a utopian India, free from corruption and evils of religious politics, around the same time Prime Minister Narendra Modi rose to power. Even though there was no clear ideology of AAP rather than “being different,” people still chose to give them a chance as they wished for a government not belonging to a modern political dynasty with an extreme adherence to religious views. The first AAP term was majorly a success in gaining popularity and goodwill.

And undoubtedly, after a long time in Indian politics someone cared to use the powers at hand the right way and in the right direction. Education, healthcare, and basic amenities like electricity and water were made less of a luxury, and this continued in the second AAP term. The Delhi government introduced commendable initiatives like free pink tickets for women on DTC buses and brought the concept of mohalla clinics, with 518 clinics operational by March 2022. Having personally visited Sarvodaya Bal Vidyalaya in Rouse Avenue, I was impressed by the transformation of government schools into centres of excellence.

AAP's impactful reforms led to a historic 2022 Punjab win (92/117 seats) and national party status in 2023 after successes in Goa and Gujarat. AAP's initial terms were marked by scepticism and criticism from political rivals. The BJP condemned its “rewdi” culture, while Congress leader Shashi Tharoor faced backlash for calling CM Kejriwal a "eunuch" with "power without responsibility" during the 2019 CAA/NRC protests—a statement he later retracted. Despite Congress scaling down its campaigns and internal challenges, leader Ajay Maken recently accused Kejriwal's government of a ₹382 crore health scam, highlighting the evolving tensions among INDIA bloc allies ahead of the 2024 elections.

From AAP to Rasta NAAP

Now political jibes and accusations are an intrinsic part of electoral democracy, but here comes the main question. Where does the unshakeable Aam Aadmi Party stand today in the eyes of the Muslim voters? According to me, the party that had a great start and seemed to have great intentions deviated and fell out of the idealism it made Delhites hope for. It showed promise but began to break many, which again every party does, but it joined the arena of the indifferent from different gradually.

Since the BJP's rise to power at the centre, crime rates in UP have reportedly decreased, but incidents of Islamophobia, Hindu-Muslim riots, and lynchings have become disturbingly common across the country, particularly in BJP-ruled states. The Hindutva ideology, historically ingrained in the party and backed by right-wing groups like the RSS and Shiv Sena, has intensified since 2014. Congress remains the only viable opposition but requires significant reform to challenge the ruling party's stronghold and widespread public conviction. Although there were promising moves during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, breaking the BJP's dominance remains difficult.

The Muslim electorate, often sidelined, seeks representation from a party in Delhi that doesn't merely adopt a desperate, preemptive Hindutva stance, as AAP did during the 2022 Gujarat elections by demanding Goddess Lakshmi's face on currency notes. Despite its development work in the capital, AAP continues to face criticism for inadequate Muslim representation and a limited pool of influential leaders. The recent ticket denial to Seelampur MLA Abdur Rehman, who resigned and joined Congress, is a case in point. In an X post, he accused AAP of ignoring Muslim rights by getting entangled in politics. Although AAP replaced him with another Muslim candidate, Zubair Ahmed, the issue remains far from resolved.

Prominent MLA Amanatullah Khan from Okhla is often criticised as an "empty suit" for failing to fulfil his duties. Okhla continues to suffer from open sewage, inadequate drinking water, and a lack of essential infrastructure. Residents purchase water, and the once-thriving business scene has dwindled to mere confectioneries. Neglect in crowd management and parking issues persists, with roads clogged by cars and bikes. The gap between areas like Punjabi Bagh and Okhla or even Old Delhi is stark, reinforcing a sense of ghettoization among Muslim residents.

Many Muslim students, including myself, remain deeply disappointed with AAP's inaction and double standards during the CAA-NRC protests in 2019. When Jamia students faced harassment and braved the bitter Delhi winter to protest for 55 days, neither AAP nor Kejriwal bothered to extend even a courtesy visit. While Kejriwal described the Citizenship Amendment Act as "not needed," his silence on the suffering of protestors, particularly in areas like Okhla, spoke volumes. It was a moment when leadership and solidarity were desperately needed—but AAP chose to look the other way.

Kejriwal's only concern seemed to be BJP's failure to clear the Shaheen Bagh protests, boldly claiming he could do it in "two hours." The party either dodged questions by boasting about Delhi's development or completely ignored Muslim fears sparked by the Act, trying to play both sides to avoid taking a clear stance. Congress MP Shashi Tharoor’s words still echo when I think about AAP’s inaction because honestly, that frustration was real and shared by so many of us.

But despite the soft-power Hinduism intermixing with the AAP’s futuristic and growth-oriented approach, people go towards this centrist bunch to avoid the intimidation and danger of an extremely hindutva-oriented philosophy.

AAP must realize that religious politics and media control will humble them in ways they cannot afford. Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, and CM Atishi need to revive their first-term intent and seek fresh young faces who can engage with and represent the state's youth and evolving electorate.

Nausheen Ali Nizami is a student pursuing Psychology from Jamia Millia Islamia.

Edited By: Sidra Aman