The Delhi High Court recently overturned the suspension of 17 students from Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi (JMI), questioning the administration's handling of peaceful demonstrations. On the 12th of February 2025, JMI’s administration suspended students holding the protest on campus and banned the students for an indefinite period, along with prohibiting them from entering the university premises. The students were marking the 5th anniversary of December 13th, 2019, over the police crackdown on anti-CAA protesters inside the university premises. Justice Dinesh Kumar Sharma, citing the judgment, observed that peaceful protests are part of students 

’. While Justice Sharma, hearing the petition, raised serious concern over the manner in which the university handled the protest, remarking that the documents presented by the students primarily facie indicated a peaceful demonstration. The court noted that universities are spaces for the intellectual and students should not be penalised for engaging the peaceful protest in the colleges premises.

JMI administration justified their decision of suspending the students while citing 

Rule 5 of EC Resolution No. 3.46 dated 22.02.2023

, Ordinance 14 (XIV) (named “STUDENT DISCIPLINE”), which allows suspension for campus disruptions. However, the student’s counsel argued before the court and said the protest was peaceful and that the disciplinary action was disproportionate. While university counsel argued that students were holding 

vandalising the property of the university

. While hearing the petition, Justice Sharma questioned the university’s handling of the protest, noting that

‘the document submitted by the counsel for the petitioner prima facie shows that it was a peaceful demonstration.’

However, the court acknowledged the importance of protest in student life and directed JMI to form a ‘Peace Committee’ under the Vice-Chancellor’s supervision to engage in dialogue with the students.

This will set an example for the ongoing debate over students right to dissent and the extent of university autonomy, highlighting a broader debate on students right to protest versus university regulation on campus discipline. Institutions have the authority to maintain their order; the courts observation reinforces that disciplinary action should not violate the fundamental rights, such as 

freedom of speech and expression (Article 19 of the constitution)

. Court intervention sets a precedent that disciplinary actions must align with moral values. As educational institutions navigate campus governance, 

striking a balance between discipline and democratic freedoms remains crucial.

The concern over the Peace Committee’s (PC) composition will get heat in the near future, as per the High Court direction of the formation of the PC to resolve the situation through dialogue between students and the JMI administration; the judgment left the inclusion of representatives to the discretion of the Vice-Chancellor (VC). The order stated:

“Let a committee of the officials under the supervision of the VC be constituted. The representative from the students may also be taken by the VC in such a committee.”

 raises concern about the lack of a mandatory provision for the students’ representation. This ambiguity grants the VC sole authority to decide whether students will have a say or control in the discussions. Counsel argues that such discretion could weaken the very basic principles of the committee, as it leaves room for not including dissenting voices.

The next hearing will be on the 2nd of April 2025. The court will review JMI's response and deliver accordingly, whether the university has taken the remedial steps as directed by the court. If the PC fails to engage meaningfully with students, the court may intervene further to ensure a fair resolution. JMI has to reinstate the suspensions with stronger justification or withdraw the action taken dated 12th February; it may be ensured that the further protests should strictly adhere to legal guidelines; no grounds for fresh disciplinary action will be taken. Students should document all interactions with JMI administration to strengthen their case if needed.

The intention behind delivering the order was to de-escalate tensions and ensure a fair resolution process. However, the discretionary nature of the inclusion of the students could lead to fresh conflicts, making the implementation of PC to monitor in the coming weeks.

The guest author, Ali Asghar is a 3rd year student of Law at Jamia Millia Islamia.
Disclaimer: The views expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent those of the publication.

Delhi HC slams Jamia for student ban, calls for dialogue instead

Today, the US is sitting on the driving seat of Global Leadership. It leads in terms of both economic resources and global impact on climate change alongside China and India and the whole world has the expectation from the Global Leader to resolve the ongoing major problem.

Donald Trump’s 45th presidency: An analysis

If we look and examine the 1st term of Donald Trump from 2015 to 2019 about the climate change issue then we will get only negative and extreme takes from the incoming US president because this has been his clear statement that climate change is a hoax. He does not believe in climate change and its impact throughout the world. And the story remains the same today. In 2017, when Trump took charge as the President of the US he criticised the policies, agreement and investment for climate change. After that, Trump withdrew from the

 which is a world wide agreement between countries on reduction of greenhouse gases.

t was unfair to the United States and would cost American Jobs, favouring countries like China. He also aims to repeal the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, a signature framework of the Biden administration. This act offered 400 billion dollars over 10 years to reduce emissions. It funds wind and solar power, electric vehicle battery factories and nuclear reactors.

So they talk all the time about the ocean will rise in 500 years, one-eighth of an inch, who the hell cares? Before moving onto, what according to him is a graver issue “... But we have maniacs who have nuclear weapons, we can't let that happen”

Now, the Republican candidate Donald Trump has been elected as the 47th President, beating his Democratic opponent Kamala Harris in a historic comeback so, on the basis of previous stances of the 1st term of Donald Trump, he has significantly raised concerns about how he will tackle climate change in his second term as the President of a world superpower.

According to some climate experts, the world now faces the hazardous climate change impact and this election could lead to an additional 4bn tonnes of carbon dioxide equivalent (Gtco) of US emission by 2030, compared to continuing current President Joe Biden's plans, carbon brief analysis found earlier this year.

Role of the US in solving the climate change issue?

The United States plays a pivotal role in addressing global climate change though domestic policies, international diplomacy, and technological innovation. Domestically, the US has made strides with the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), which allocates 369 billion dollars towards clean energy incentives, aiming to reduce carbon emissions by boosting renewable energy infrastructure and electric vehicle adoption. Additionally, investments in decarbonising key sectors, like steel and, signifying a commitment to Industrial transformation.

The Biden administration’s infrastructural laws also emphasise carbon capture and hydrogen technologies, which are crucial for long term emission reduction. Internationally, the US rejoined the 

in 2021 and has played a leadership role in initiatives like the Global Methane Pledge and agreements from COP26 and COP27. These efforts focus on methane reduction and financial support for vulnerable countries affected by climate change. The US has also resumed climate dialogue with China, the world’s largest emitter, aiming to foster cooperation despite geopolitical tensions.

However challenges remain while the US commits to net zero emissions by 2050, domestic fossil fuels production continues, complicating its role as a Global leader. Moving forward, consistent policy implementation and strengthening international alliances will be essential for the US to meet its ambitious targets and influence global climate strategies.

Donald Trump’s stance on climate change has been controversial and often contradictory. Throughout his presidency and public life, he has expressed skepticism about climate change. Now, he is going to take the leadership of a world hegemon in terms of soft and hard power which plays a crucial role from time to time in solving the climate change issue. It’s going to be a hazard for the world with power vested in a president with no intention to focus on the climate change issue.

So, there is a need for the principle of cooperation and accountability for every country to mitigate this issue of climate change. The regional organisations like 

 must be focused and accountable to make some difference in resolving this issue of climate change.

Regional bodies help align climate policies and standards among member countries, and ensure consistent and effective implementation. For example, the European Union enforces the European green deal, aiming for net zero emissions by 2050. Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN) promotes climate resilience and sustainable forest management in Southeast Asia. They facilitate the exchange of information, technology and best practices, enabling less developed nations to adopt sustainable solutions. Organisations often create or support financial initiatives for climate action, especially where global funding falls short.

Climate challenges like deforestation, water scarcity and air pollution are often cross border problems. Regional collaboration ensures effective management of shared resources and ecosystems. Regional cooperation acts as intermediaries between global frameworks and national policies, enhancing collaboration and creating tailored solutions for their unique environmental,economic,and social context.

(Views expressed are of the author and do not purport the views of The Jamia Review)

Return Of Trump And The Unresolved Global Issue Of Climate 

If India's rise in decades after independence was shaped by the Tatas and Birlas, then Adani became synonymous with India’s growth in the 21st century. He is the one who began the year 2023 as one of the richest men, who had surged his value 2500% in 5 years. As he portrays, his rise wasn't his alone, it was inseparable from the growth of India. He often says that his company’s goals are in lockstep with the country's needs. In 2022, he overtook Reliance Industries’ Chairman Mukesh Ambani and China's Jack Ma to become one of the world's top three billionaires.

The journey of Adani's growth and now his speculated fall is indeed very interesting. It almost seems like a fictional story of a magician in a utopian world. The journey makes us realize some of the harshest realities of India's business and political scenario. The story of Adani gives us a taste of Daron Acemoglue and James A Robinson's 2012 book, 

Why Nations Fail : The Origin of Power, Prosperity and Poverty

. The book suggests that extractive institutions often function to safeguard the interests of those in power. Adani’s rapid growth has coincided with favorable government policies and infrastructure projects, particularly under India’s current leadership. Some analysts believe that Adani’s success is partly due to these political connections, allowing for advantageous policies, swift land acquisition, and access to resources. This scenario illustrates the book’s idea that privileged access to state resources can propel corporate growth, potentially undermining fair market competition.

The strengthening of the link between business and politics could push India closer to an extractive pairing between economic and political institutions, both working for a few. To understand the scenario and link between the economic and political world in India, we need to look at the past. At the time of independence, India's private sector was dominated by the clutches of business families and it continued till the 

 came to an end in 1991 due to the LPG (liberalization, privatization, and globalization) reforms by the then Congress government. After the 1990s, new companies were formed. These all were firms in new sectors like IT, healthcare, telecom, etc. But the firms in heavy sectors like infrastructure, stayed hand in hand with the political economy and these firms supported political parties by making donations to them, and some enterprises were even owned by politicians themselves. Political patronage remained beneficial for firms in Captive Coal Block allocation popularly known as the Coalgate Scam (2012) and the Arunachal Pradesh Hydel Scam. Companies with political links got everything they wanted. All that mattered was their willingness to pay. When Adani came to the economic world, India started seeing something new. The government had chosen this particular group as a national champion by encouraging its expansion.

Adani’s companies are not just interested in a wide swathe of India's infrastructure. They have become the first choice as partners in multiple sectors as well. Multi sectors have always been considered as the priority of growth for India. So, giving the first priority to the Adani group only implies that the government wants India to grow only with the help and aid of some particular business giants. Now, the question that remains is how was this particular group chosen as the national champion? Is it the right strategy for India? Elections in India have become very expensive for political parties and capital plays a very vital role in it. Given the financial pressure to win elections, political parties in India are turning kleptocratic. And winning is possible only with the help of connections with business giants. In return, business giants take advantage of these connections with political parties and get involved in the abuse of their situation and position.

In Gujarat, under the Modi government, Adani saw a meteoric growth. It allowed the creation of a world-class port complex at Mundra. The company received government largesse e.g. SEZ (Special Economic Zone) without environmental clearance and in some instances, the Mundra port got more preference than the 

 port. When Narendra Modi came to power at the center, Adani went national, as remarked by Lok Sabha MP, and opposition leader Rahul Gandhi, in his vote of thanks to the President of India in Lok Sabha. In 2018, Adani announced a future expenditure of 167000 crore despite a net profit of 3455.34 crore.

The group benefited greatly from the government's decisions. It got a 1600 MW coal-based power project at Godda, despite the fact that the company was charging a higher rate than normal. Also, a renewable project was given by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, Gotabaya Rajapaksha, to Adani under Modi’s pressure. And the third most important instance — the airport rules were changed to get Adani to operate 

. It seems if the government would want companies to set up factories for solar panels, Adani will readily oblige. If the Prime Minister were to set a stiff renewable energy target, somehow Adani would meet the mark. If the government was worried about self-reliant weaponry, Adani would create an indigenous defense ecosystem under “

 said that a handful of investment funds invest almost solely in Adani’s companies.

What would you call it when foreign funds invest their assets in a corporate group company? NSDL (National Security Depository Ltd.) froze the accounts of 3 such funds, Albula Investment Fund, Cresta Fund, and APMS Investment Fund which together own 43,500 crore rupees worth of shares in 4 Adani Group companies. These funds were frozen because of insufficient disclosure of misinformation regarding beneficial ownership as per The Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA). The 

, on 25th January 2023 revealed the findings of their two-year-long investigation, presenting that INR 17.8 billion (US $218 billion) Indian Conglomerate Adani group had allegedly “engaged in brazen stock manipulation and accounting fraud over the course of decades”.

The report also focused on the funds mentioned above. The report was released just ahead of the ₹20000 FPO (Follow on Public Offer) by Adani Group’s flagship firm Adani Enterprises which was later called off. In a 413-page response, Adani Group commented, "It's not an unwarranted attack on any specific company, but a calculated attack on India, the independence, the integrity and the quality of the institutions and growth story and ambitions of India”. Hindenburg, however, in its rebuttal said that Adani did not address any of the substantive points that the report raised, rather Adani just stocked a national narrative.

The initial impact was the loss of US$100 billion. After that, Adani called off the whole FPO and refunded the money. S&P and Dow Jones Indices said that it will remove Adani Enterprises from widely used sustainability indices on February 7, 2023, making shares less appealing to environment-conscious investors. RBI also sought details from banks about market exposure. However, after the issue came to the limelight, a probe was initiated by SEBI's side. According to SEBI, it conducted investigations on 23 out of 24 issues. 6 companies also disclosed their stock exchange and received show cause notice, but with the intention that disciplinary action will only be taken after proof of any discrepancies. The Supreme Court’s January 3, 2024 ruling on the Adani Group case wasn’t explicitly “in favor” of Adani but rather upheld the regulatory authority of SEBI (Securities and Exchange Board of India) to continue its investigation. The Court rejected the petitioners’ requests to transfer the probe to a Special Investigation Team (SIT), emphasizing that SEBI was already handling the matter and had completed most of the investigation. In effect, the decision allowed SEBI to continue its investigation without external interference, signaling confidence in the regulator’s competence rather than a judgment in Adani’s favor. The Court directed SEBI to finalize its probe on the remaining issues within three months, ensuring further scrutiny while avoiding unnecessary disruptions to the ongoing process.

Adani’s journey—from extraordinary success to intense scrutiny—captures the often hidden dynamics of power and influence in India’s economics. His rise isn’t just about one man’s achievements but reflects the vast potential of a nation on the move and the sometimes blurry line between corporate success and political favoritism. As India’s story unfolds, the real challenge will be ensuring that its growth is as fair as it is ambitious, that its institutions stay strong, and that progress is something all can share.

Disclaimer :This is a guest entry. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author. They do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of The Jamia Review or its members.

Adani: The Infallible?

The perception of Islam as being forcibly propagated, often encapsulate by the phrase “spread by the sword” which finds roots in narratives originating from the Crusades and remained a cornerstone for anti-Islam polemics for centuries. This was picked up in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by Orientalist scholars such as Sir William Muir. Many others as well who were in a position to benefit from the vilification of Islam to non-Muslim audiences .The Orientalists legitimize pre existing apocryphal stories by tactfully turning facts into lies.

Nevertheless, even in the ranks of the Orientalists there were those, such as Sir Thomas Arnold and De Lacy, who chopped away at the narrative of forced conversions to Islam. Jamal Malik, Jonathan Berkey, and Kevin Barrett are some of the many other historians who have challenged and discredited the “spread-by-the-sword” narrative. De Lacy O’Leary wrote in 1923 in the book “Islam at the cross road” that “

History makes it clear however, that the legend of fanatical Muslims sweeping through the world and forcing Islam at the point of the sword upon conquered races is one of the most fantastically absurd myth that historians have ever repeated.”

Muslim conquerors ordinarily wished to dominate rather than convert, like any other kingdom of other religions wished for and most conversions to Islam were voluntary. This assertion can be comprehended through an examination of historical evidence.

1. After a millennium of Muslim rule in India, over 80% of the population remains non-Muslim, debunking the myth of Islam spreading by the sword.

2. Indonesia, with the world's largest Muslim population, and Malaysia, where Muslims predominate, challenge the notion of Islam spreading through military conquests.

3. If Islam spread by the sword, why isn't Spain still predominantly Muslim, given its 800 years under Muslim rule?

4. An article in Reader’s Digest ‘Almanac’ from 1986 revealed staggering statistics: Islam increased by 235% from 1934 to 1984, while Christianity saw only a 47% increase. This raises the question: what war in this century led to millions converting to Islam?

5. Despite Muslim dominating Arabia for 1400 years, today, 14 million Arabs are Coptic Christians, a testament to the peaceful coexistence and tolerance that prevailed, disproving the notion that Islam spread solely by the sword.

6. According to Hugh Kennedy, claims of the early Muslim conquests in the Middle East made forcible conversion almost impossible as armies were comparatively small, between ten and twenty thousand which conquered Syria and Iraq, 10% population of Egypt and 20% of Iraq. In this condition forceful conversion was out of question. By 705 most of Iran was conquered, however empirical research by Richard Bulliet showed it was only in the mid 9th century that the muslim population hit 50% and took another century to reach 75%.

Also the fiscal dynamics of early Islamic governance offer insight into their strategic approach. While the Quran mandated tribute payments from unbelievers, known as 

, the system evolved to prioritize cash-based revenue. Land taxes, or 

, posed challenges in collection, while jizya provided a reliable source of income, especially during financial crises. The reluctance to actively promote Islam stemmed from the financial benefits of maintaining a diverse tax base. Despite limitations in preventing conversions, Muslim rulers refrained from using force to achieve religious expansion, recognizing the fiscal advantages of religious diversity.

The famous treaty between Sophronius, and the second Muslim caliph,ʿUmar ibn al-Khattāb gives us an example of a dhimma agreement in which forced conversion was explicitly forbidden:

This is the assurance of safety [amān] which the servant of God, ʿUmar, the Commander of the Faithful, has given to the people of Jerusalem. He has given them an assurance of safety for themselves, for their property, their churches, their crosses, the sick and healthy of the city and for all the rituals which belong to their religion. Their churches will not be inhabited by the Muslims and will not be destroyed. Neither they, nor the land on which they stand, nor their cross, nor their property will be damaged. They will not be forcibly converted.

Umar is generally regarded as having been one of the most stringent Muslim leaders, and Jerusalem was a very important city for Muslims. It could be expected, then, that if the early Muslims were so keen to forcibly convert non-Muslims to Islam, Umar certainly would not have made an exception for Jerusalem.

Similar examples are scattered throughout Islamic history, such as the agreement (in 713) between ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Mūsa and Theodemir that 

“they [i.e., Theodemir’s followers in Spain] will not be coerced in matters of religion, their churches will not be burned, nor will their sacred objects be taken from them.

 It was due to this, that for 2 centuries the majority of inhabitants were non muslims.

According to The Jerusalem Post, in the United Kingdom and France 100,000 people converted in the last decade in each country. According to Guinness, approximately 12.5 million more people converted to Islam than people converted to Christianity between 1990 and 2000. According to The New York Times, 25,000 Americans convert to Islam every year. According to Saudi Gazette more than 56,561, individuals in the Eastern Province have embraced Islam since beginning of 2023 until November, (SPA)

Now, after analyzing aforementioned evidence, the question arises with what sword did Islam spread? Even if Muslims possessed it, they couldn't wield it to propagate Islam, as the Qur’an unequivocally states: “

Let there be no compulsion in religion, for the truth stands out clearly from falsehood” (2:256).

 The renowned classical commentator of the Qur’an, Ismai’l ibn Kathir , said that this passage means “Do not force anyone to become Muslim, for Islam is plain and clear, and its proofs and evidence are plain and clear. Therefore, there is no need to force anyone to embrace Islam.”

Muslims have a collective responsibility to share the message of Islam, but the normative way to do this has been clearly described in the Qur’an : 

“Invite to the Way of your Lord with wisdom and kind advice, and only debate with them in the best manner” (16:125).

Let us look at the other side of the coin as well. Widely-circulated examples of forced conversion to Islam in history come from South Asia. The American historian Will Durant asserted in 1935 that “the Mohammedan conquest of India is probably the bloodiest story in history,” explaining that “millions of Hindus were converted to Islam by sword during this period” (i.e., 800-1700 CE).

However, Durant also stated that “most history is guessing, and the rest is prejudice.” This was popularised by Orientalist Henry Elliot and has been followed by other nationalists and historians. However ,have been addressed by other people such as Rowena Robinson and has argued that “the argument that Islam in India spread everywhere by ‘force’ or the ‘sword’ is almost too hackneyed, apart from being in most cases plainly untrue, to be dwelt upon.

Furthermore, Yohanan Friedmann has pointed out that the phrases found in Persian historical sources that Elliot and his followers have used as evidence for their position are ambiguous and can be interpreted in different ways. Richard Eaton points out that if the spread-by-the-sword position were accurate, “one would expect that those areas exposed most intensively and over the longest period to rule by Muslim dynasties―that is, those that were most fully exposed to the ‘sword’―would today contain the greatest number of Muslims.”

The Ottomans’ devshirme system is another example of forced conversion to Islam. In this system, young Christian boys were systematically taken from their families, converted to Islam according to some historians, and trained to serve in the empire’s bureaucracy or in the sultan’s personal military force, the Janissaries. However, this same system often “provided religious minorities with unfettered access to the highest government positions.” An example is that of Sokullu Mehmet Pasha a slave from Bosnia who rose through the bureaucracy to become the empire’s grand vizier, a position from which he was able to support Bosnia’s Christian community, though he himself remained Muslim.

In conclusion, the assertion that Islam spread by the sword is not only baseless but also serves to sow discord and misunderstanding among individuals of various faiths. Islam, revered as the most just and peaceful religion, rejects the notion of forceful conversions, instead, it beckons seekers with its profound principles of compassion and righteousness. Throughout history, examples abound of people willingly embracing Islam, drawn by its beauty and moral guidance.

Even in periods of Muslim rule, such as in Spain, where admiration for Islamic practices led to the emergence of communities like the Mozarabs, coercion was absent. Islam's true essence lies in winning hearts through its inherent virtues and timeless teachings, making it an inspiration and enlightenment for all who seek it.



Written By: Azrah Shafi Shah
Edited By: Gunjit Verma

This is a guest entry written by the author for The Jamia Review. Views expressed are the writer's own.

Islam Spread by Sword?

ایک خط موسم باراں کے نام

موسم باراں ,ناراض ہو یا بے خبر ,آؤ نہ کبھی میرے گھر

Mosam-e-baran, naraz ho ya bekhabar, aao na kabhi mere ghar

O Season of rains, are you upset, or just oblivious? Come, come to my home someday.

,وہاں کا ہر کونا لا زوال ہے ,اور وہاں کا حسن بےمثال ہے.

Wahan ka har kona la zawal hai, aur wahan ka husn be misal hai,

Every corner of my home is harmless, and its beauty, without a contender.

کیا تمہیں خوف ہے اس جہلم کے پانی کا جس کے کنارے پر سرخ چاند سی دلہن انتظار میں ہے ,آنکھوں میں درد لئے بیٹھی ماں بے قرار ہے.

Kya tumhe khof hai uss Jhelum ke paani ka jis ke kinare par surkh chand si dulhan intezaar mai hai, aankhon mai dard liye baithi maa bekarar hai.

Are you afraid of the waters of that Jhelum, on the banks of which a bride like a red moon, sits waiting

A mother, eyes filled with pain, sits restless

کیا تم جہلم کے پانی میں گھلنا نہیں چاہتی؟

Kya tum Jhelum ke paani mein ghulna nahi chahti?

Do you not wish to become one with the water of Jhelum?

آؤ کبھی تمہیں سیر کراؤں نشاط, شالیمار کی

Aao kabhi tumhe sair karaun Nishat Shalimar ki

Come, someday, so I take you to see Nishat and Shalimar

,پتا ہے وہاں کا ہر کونا نرگس کے پھولوں سے گھرا ہوا ہے اور وہاں چنار کے پتتے زبرون کی گود میں جھو لتے نظر آتے ہیں.

Pata hai wahan ka har kona nargis ke phoolon se ghira hua hai aur wahan chinar ke patte Zabarwan ki god mai jhoolte nazar aate hain.

Do you know? There, every inch is covered with jasmine flowers and you can see the chinar leaves dangling in the lap of Zabarwan

موسم بارا ں کیا تمہیں بھی خبرملی ہے ان پانی میں تیرنے والے گھروں کی جن میں بسنے والے لوگوں کے سینے میں آئینے سا جگر ہے ,اور جو روز راتوں کو اپنی کچی دیواروں میں پکے جزبات پوشیدہ رکھتے ہیں

Mosam-e-baran, kya tumhe bhi khabar mili hai unn paani mai tairne wale gharon ki jinme basne wale logon ke seene mai aayne sa jigar hai, aur jo roz raaton ko apni kacchi deewaron mai pakke jazbaat posheeda rakhte hai

O Monsoon, did you also hear of the houses that float on water, whose inhabitants’ chests encase hearts which are like mirrors

And every night, their fragile walls keep safe their steadfast resolves

کیا تمہیں خبر نہیں کہ جب بھی وہاں لمحے خشک ہوتے ہے اور ابر سے برسنے والے انگارے انسوں میں گَرْماہَٹ پیدا کرتے ہیں تو گھر کا ہر فرد تمہیں شدت سے آواز دیتا ہے ,کیا تم تک وہ آوازیں نہیں آتی, ,کیا پیر کی پہاڑی اس آواز کو دبا دیتی ہے ؟

Kya tumhe khabar nahin ki jab bhi wahan lamhe khuskh hote hai aur abr se barasne wale angaare aanson mai garmahat paida karte hai toh ghar ka har fard tumhe shiddat se awaaz deta hai, kya tum tak woh awaazein nahin aati, kya peer ki pahadi uss awaaz ko daba deti hai?

Do you not know, there, whenever time freezes, and the firebrands that descend from clouds burn one’s eyes

Then, every man from every house calls you out direly. Has their cry never reached you?

Do the mountains of Pir Panjal block their way?

آؤ نہ تمہیں ڈل کی سیر کراؤں جس کے کنارے عقیدت مندوں کی بھیڑ رونق کا سبب بن جاتی ہے اور جو گھر ہے چار

Aao na tumhein Dal ki sair karaun jis ke kinaare aqeedat mandon ki bheed ronaq ka sabab ban jati hai aur jo ghar hai chaar chinaron ka.

Come O, let me take you to Dal, whose banks are lighted up by the crowd of believers,

To Dal, which is the abode of Char Chinar.

.موسم باراں کیا تمہیں اب بھی خوف ہے ان معصوم اولادوں کا جنکی کمسنی سناٹے بھری تھی اورجنکا ماضی شور بھرا ہے ,کیا تم اب بھی ان سے متفق نہیں؟

Mosam e baran kya tumhe abhi bhi khof hai unn masoom aulaadon ka jinki kam sini sanaate bhari thi aur jinka maazi shor bhara hai, kya tum ab bhi unn se mutafiq nahin?

Season of Rain, are you still wary of those innocent children whose young years echo with silence and whose past is weighed down by noise.

حق ہے یہ ,وہاں ہر فرد لا لازوال ہے وہاں کا حسن بےمثال ہے

Haq hai ye, wahan har fard la zawal hai wahan ka husn be misal hai

It’s the truth, every human of my home is harmless and the beauty, incomparable

موسم باراں کر دو ان پہاڑوں کو پار ,اورکر لو تم بھی فردوس کے نظارے.

Mosam e Baran, kar do un pahadon ko paar, aur kar lo tum bhi firdous ke nazare.

O season of rains, come and cross these mountains, and

A letter to the season of rain 

Before proceeding, it should be noted that the nature of this article is rather normative

than explanatory. A recent contribution to the scholarship on the political landscape of Indian Muslims is Prof. Mujibur Rehman’s book “Shikwa-e-Hind: The Political Future of Indian Muslims”. The book, as the title suggests, explores the political future of Muslims in India particularly in the context of the growing Hindu right in India. Drawing on some aspects of the book and other observations, this article aims to explore the political alienation in Kashmir.

Being one of the oldest conflicts that is registered with the United Nations, much has been said and written about Kashmir. 

 also briefly discusses the Kashmir issue. In the book, the author talks of a lack of seriousness among the Indian leaders in solving the issue, and the relationship between Kashmiri and Indian Muslims, while demarcating between the two. The author asserts that there has been a rise of BJP’s foothold in Kashmir and wonders how the Hindu nationalist party will administer the region in the future, that is, through the centre or the state directly. The book also highlights the key issue in Kashmir – the 

 of the people. The lack of seriousness from the Indian leaders, along with stripping people of their democratic rights has furthered this sense of alienation among the people.

Commenting on the abrogation of Article 370, 

 the issue of alienation of Kashmiris from politics. The abrogation of the article, which guaranteed special autonomy to the region in the Indian Union, happened when the region had no elected government. This amounted to imposition of politics and a state of disenfranchisement, stemming from people’s inability to participate in decisions that impacted them, fell over the populace.

Kashmiri Muslims have suffered much more than the Muslims in the other states of India. Kashmiris hold no authority to decide what is suitable for them and laws that they had no say in framing are imposed on them, which has thrown them in a sort of 

” of Kashmiris, while they remain the most traumatized among the Muslims in India, having lost both property and life to a conflict that’s been going on for decades, needs more attention than is being given to it by the Indian elite, and in a way which is acceptable to the people of Kashmir.

“Only when the political future is ensured will Indian Muslims be empowered to bargain

and negotiate their economic or cultural future. The systematic weakening of the political future would cause Indian Muslims to gravitate towards destitution, a permanent state of misery, a life of no rights, and endless persecution. An attempt is being made to make Muslims and secular citizens aware that politics matter because political power matters.”

However, the author doesn’t talk much about the future of Kashmir, other than observing the growing foothold of BJP in the region. The author finds it difficult to look for the political future of Kashmir. Though, given the 

 in Kashmir, one can easily guess the implications for the future of the region. Politics is indeed the way forward, but only when Kashmiris have a say. Superimposition of politics won’t work. If the tradition of superimposed politics continues, even after the upcoming assembly elections, the people’s perception of alienation will only deepen.

The book argues that the future of Indian Muslims can be secured when their political future is secured. This, however, is immediately met by another issue of 

 in Kashmir, which is well documented in 

 and journalistic writing. Kashmiri polity, without an elected government for a decade, coupled with the bifurcation of the state and the subsequent transformation of the state into UT, topped with the imposition of the longest internet blackout of approximately 500 days, has already traumatized and alienated Kashmiris from their own political system. Now, as the elections are set to be conducted, the state and the stakeholders in Kashmir must be aware of the legitimation crisis and the political alienation in the Kashmiri population. Kashmiris must not be instigated further for any murky gain. 

With the lack of a genuine political agency for decades, it becomes necessary that both the local political players and Indian leadership recognise and confront this alienation as the region approaches elections. The say of Kashmiris should be respected, as was noted by Praveen Donthi (

“Elections on their own, however, will not be enough to calm the tensions in Kashmir. New Delhi needs to engage in a sustained, meaningful political process to address rising alienation.”

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