, traces its origins to the early days of the faith. Emerging in the 8th century 

 has since woven a rich tapestry of spiritual practices, philosophy, and a unique approach to experiencing the divine. This mystical tradition has played a pivotal role in shaping the spiritual landscape within Islam. As we delve into the history, importance, and distinctive features of Sufism, we uncover a profound exploration of the inner dimensions of faith that set it apart from mainstream religious practices. The practice gained momentum owing to its liberal inclusive ideologies and soon found its way to India during the 

, amongst others. By the 11th and 12th centuries, Sufis were organised into 12 orders known as 

. Each ‘silsila’ was typically led by a prominent mystic, residing in a 

 or hospice, alongside their disciples. The crucial connection between the teacher (

) played a vital role in the Sufi system. ‘Pirs’ would appoint a successor or ‘wali’ to continue their spiritual work. Over time, ‘khanqahs’ evolved into significant centres for learning and preaching, with many Sufis incorporating 

, or musical congregations, in their practices, leading to the development of qawwali during this period.

The term ‘sufi’ likely originates from the Arabic word 

,’ meaning ‘one who wears wool,’ as woollen garments were commonly worn by ascetics. Another potential origin is 

,’ signifying purity in Arabic. Sufis are also referred to by other terms such as 

. Sufism’s roots can be traced to the teachings of early Islamic mystics, particularly figures like 

. However, Sufism gained prominence during the 

, evolving as a response to the institutionalization of Islam and the growing materialism within the Muslim community. Sufis sought a direct and intimate connection with the divine, emphasising love, introspection, and a disciplined spiritual life. Over the centuries, various Sufi orders emerged, each with its unique practices and teachings. Notable orders include the 

, all contributing to the diverse landscape of Sufi spirituality.

Sufism places a strong emphasis on experiential knowledge of God, transcending mere intellectual understanding. Through practices such as 

 (remembrance of God), meditation, and ecstatic dance, Sufis aim to achieve a state of spiritual closeness and union with the divine. The concept of 

, or spiritual purification, is central to Sufism, encouraging followers to purify their hearts from worldly attachments. Sufi poetry, with luminaries like 

, serves as a profound expression of the soul’s longing for God, while Sufi dance, most notably of the whirling dervishes of the 

 order, symbolise the seeker’s journey toward spiritual enlightenment.

Unlike mainstream religious practices that focus on external rituals and legalistic interpretations, Sufism emphasises on the inner dimensions of faith. It encourages followers to go beyond the surface of religious observances, seeking a deeper connection with God through personal experiences and spiritual insights. Sufis often engage in spiritual mentorship, known as 

, assists disciples in navigating their spiritual journey. This personalised approach fosters a sense of community and shared spiritual growth, distinguishing Sufism from more institutionalised forms of worship.

Sufism acknowledges the importance of outer rituals but places greater emphasis on the inner transformation of the individual. This emphasis on the inner dimension has led some scholars to describe Sufism as the 

 represented by legal and ritualistic aspects. However, one need not understand Islam and Sufism interchangeably. The latter is constituted of aspects that make it transcendental of religious exclusivity, focusing on spiritual universality instead. Sufism has a universal appeal that transcends sectarian boundaries. Sufi teachings often emphasise love, tolerance, and the unity of all existence, bridging gaps between different religious traditions. While Sufism has deep roots in Islam, its principles resonate with seekers from various backgrounds, contributing to a more inclusive and interconnected spiritual tapestry.

As Sufism continues to inspire seekers on their quest for spiritual enlightenment, it remains a testament to the diversity and depth within the Islamic tradition, inviting individuals to seek a deeper, more personal connection with the transcendent.

Sufism: A journey into Mystical Islam

 analysis of the Indian political scenario, a dormant controversy surrounding diaspora voices has resurfaced: who has the right to speak about a nation’s state of affairs? Rathee’s German residency has sparked backlash against the YouTuber for claiming to voice his concerns for national welfare while choosing to situate himself away from the country itself. However, this debate sparks the question of authority 

 an individual’s geographical location.

In today’s interconnected world, the authority of diaspora personalities to participate or comment on the politics of their native states is a matter of contention. Some argue that distance breeds detachment, rendering their opinions irrelevant or ill-informed. Secondly, they are also accused of unwarranted interference, especially when they don’t even cast their vote. However, this view overlooks the valuable perspectives and insights that they can bring to the table.

Firstly, it’s crucial to acknowledge that physical distance does not imply emotional or cultural detachment. Many members of the diaspora maintain strong ties to their homeland, staying informed about political developments and engaging in discussions with fellow citizens. Their experiences of living abroad often provide them with a broader perspective, enabling them to compare and contrast different political systems and policies. This comparative insight can be invaluable in identifying areas for improvement within their native states.

Furthermore, diaspora personalities often possess unique skills, networks, and resources that can contribute positively to the political discourse back home. Whether through financial support, advocacy efforts, social media activism, community organisations, or knowledge exchange, their involvement can catalyse positive change and progress. By leveraging their connections abroad, diaspora individuals can also facilitate international cooperation and collaboration, bringing global attention to local issues.

Several diasporic individuals who contribute to national interests or political affairs need to be introduced:

 An investigative journalist and author, Ayyub’s work focuses on human rights issues and political developments in India. She provides critical commentary on contemporary Indian society and politics. For example, her work, 

 deals with the background of and her experience in cataloguing officials’ interviews about the Gujarat riots of 2002.

 A renowned filmmaker and director, Mira Nair’s work often explores themes related to Indian society, culture, and politics. Through her films, such as 

,” she offers commentary on various aspects of Indian life and politics.

 A political theorist and historian, Partha Chatterjee is known for his influential work on nationalism, post-colonialism, and democracy in India. He has written extensively on issues of identity, citizenship, and power dynamics in postcolonial societies, offering critical insights into Indian politics and society. His book, 

A Possible India: Essays in Political Criticism

 offers a detailed and critical analysis of Indian politics over fifty years since independence.

 A prominent social theorist and cultural critic, Ashis Nandy has made significant contributions to the understanding of Indian politics, psychology, and society. His work often explores the intersection of culture, identity, and politics, challenging conventional wisdom and offering alternative perspectives on contemporary issues. His works offer a critique of Hindutva, State violence, European colonialism, amongst others. His contribution to Indian Politics is reflected in his work, 

Creating a Nationality: the Ramjanmabhumi Movement and Fear of the Self

Talking India: Ashis Nandy in conversation with Ramin Jahanbegloo

Where on one hand, the criticisms of these diasporic voices are dismissed under the sole reason of geographical distance, the political parties have their fair share of engagement with the diasporic communities. This is an imperative aspect that cannot be overlooked. Despite the fact that diasporic members typically do not participate in elections due to India’s lack of provision for dual nationality and restrictions on overseas voting methods, their involvement remains significant. With an estimated 32 million Indians and people of Indian origin scattered worldwide, from Singapore and Malaysia to the U.S. and Canada, this demographic holds considerable political sway and financial resources.

India ranks among the top recipients of foreign remittances, having received approximately $100 billion in 2022, marking a 12% increase from the previous year, according to the World Bank. While foreign political funding raises concerns, analysts suggest that NRIs (Non-Resident Indians) contribute to parties by assisting in funding transportation and banners, as well as mobilising volunteers.

One cannot deny the involvement of diasporic agencies in national affairs. In such a scenario, dismissing their voices of criticism is an act of refusal to accept critical analyses. It is the ideas that need a thorough hearing instead of the individual’s spatial location or electoral rights.

The Right To Speak: Diaspora Voices in Native Politics

” is an Awadhi term for the immensely skilled women who enjoyed the zenith of their profession during the 18th and 19th centuries. Purveyors of all that is rich in art, fashion, and taste, they combined the Persian and Indian forms, which we later inherited as Kathak, dadra, and thumri. They were possessors of refined intellects, a heightened sense of humour, an expensive sense of fashion, and luxurious lifestyles, and they held agency in deciding upon their clientele. Their history, however, has been a rugged terrain featuring royal patronage, politics, social ostracization, gradual decline, and now almost obsolescence.

In the 18th century, the centre of culture and art moved from Shahjahanabad to Awadh. The historian Abdul Haleem Sharar explains, 

“The court of Awadh had emanated from Khurasan and adhered to the Shi’a faith. Thus Persian culture, which had been nurtured in the stately and majestic laps of the Sassanide and Abbaside dynasties, permeated the society of Lucknow.”

 moved the court from Faizabad to Lucknow. These were also the times of the fall of the Mughal Empire, which formerly patronized the courtesans. They found patronage then in the noble courts of the nawabs.

The English synonym for “tawaif” is courtesan, which signifies a “court person”, i.e., they were active participants in the court activities. Abdul Halim Sharar, in his 20th-century work, documented the history of the Nawabs of Awadh using accounts from survivors of 1857. He discussed the influence of tawaifs in court politics, noting that 

, the vizier of Awadh, credited his success to a courtesan named 

. According to Sharar, Piyaro financially supported Mahdi’s initial appointment by providing funds for a nazr (offering) to the Nawab. Tawaifs also exercised effective influence on the nawabs’ decision-making, be it personal or political. Their patrons kept them well-paid and indulged them in meaningful conversations, including literature, poetry, puns, and politics. It was for this intellectual finesse that the head of the 

, the courtesan quarters, usually called ‘

, used to employ teachers for the musical and literary instruction of the courtesans. Even during the rule of the East India Company, they played a pivotal role in mobilising the masses and providing financial aid to movements. Having gained enormous wealth, they became so affluent and politically strong that it’s said even the governor’s retinue was stopped to let the most famous courtesan pass through.

The first War of Independence of 1857 proved a nail in the coffin of the tawaif culture of India, which was already depreciating with the fall of the Nawab and the usurpation of his province. Under the rule of the Crown, they faced the brunt of heavy taxes and depleting resources. They had even participated in the Indian War for Independence. 

, a courtesan initially from Lucknow who later moved to Kanpur—then Cawnpore—instigated the Indian soldiers to lay siege. She was said to ride in men’s attire on horseback and wield weapons. The 

 became hiding places and meeting venues for the rebels. 

, an influential courtesan, was approached by Gandhi for his contribution to the Swaraj Fund in the 1900s. Veena Talwar Oldenburg, in 

 writes: “These women, though patently noncombatants, were penalised for their instigation of and pecuniary assistance to the rebels.

On yet another list, some twenty pages long, are recorded the spoils of war seized from one set of ‘female apartments’ in the palace and garden complex called the Qaisar Bagh, where some of the deposed ex-King 

’s three hundred or more consorts resided when it was seized by the British.

It is a remarkable list, eloquently evocative of a privileged existence: gold and silver ornaments studded with precious stones, embroidered cashmere wool and brocade shawls, bejewelled caps and shoes, silver-, gold-, jade-, and amber-handled fly whisks, silver cutlery, jade goblets, plates, spittoons, huqqahs, and silver utensils for serving and storing food and drink, and valuable furnishings.”

The retaliatory measures of the British Empire after the 

 of 1857 proved detrimental to the tawaif system in particular and the Indian subcontinent at large. Firstly, most of the private property of the courtesans was confiscated. Oldenburg describes the symbols of luxury that were found in their quarters. Oldenburg goes on to talk about their sexual fluidity and agency, wherein they even engaged in intimate and sexual relationships with their fellow courtesans. The British morality that propagandised sexuality as a taboo villainised these women as “promiscuous, characterless, debauched,” and contagiously unclean, not worthy to be in company with. Their patrons having been deposed, their profession suffered a lethal blow. Besides, for further stigmatisation, the 

, aimed at reducing the spread of venereal diseases in the British troops, curbed the courtesans’ bodily and financial agency by categorizing them as prostitutes and stereotyping them as diseased.

 movement gained momentum, spearheaded by Christian missionaries and Indian reformers. Public sentiment shifted significantly against courtesans and dancers during this period. As mass resistance to British rule unfolded with the Swadeshi and non-cooperation movements in the 1900s, the social status and financial standing of most courtesans had significantly declined, presenting a stark contrast to their influence in 1857. Women involved in the national movement echoed discomfort at the involvement of “debased” women, their influence alongside them, and their moral standards dictated by colonial virtue.

Modern cinema portrays an image of the courtesan as a self-sacrificing woman or as one fatefully forced into the profession out of binding circumstances. 

 e.g., was sold into being a courtesan by her kidnappers. However, interviews and documentaries clarify most women’s willingness to step into a profession that promised them agency, provided them a doorway to the world otherwise dominated by men, and ensured a life of luxury and female bonding. This was also an attempt to get rid of natal or conjugal exploitation and oppression— the idea of “

.” In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Tawaifs evolved into mere prostitutes, termed “randi.” This shift, coinciding with colonialism, embraced a “sugrihani” ideal akin to the Victorian housewife, legitimized by medico-legal language. This moral transformation labelled all ‘itinerant and deviant’ individuals, including female entertainers, as ‘deviant’ through the lens of venereal disease.

The demise of the Tawaif marked more than the extinction of a cultural expression. It symbolized the forceful deprivation of agency and esteem from those who once possessed what intensified patriarchy loathed—sexual and economic autonomy, along with a standing in the respectable sphere. Their obliteration, aimed at furthering the colonial agenda, further decimated a culture rich and vibrant with dance, music, and art.

From Art To Taboo: the Tawaifs of Awadh

 means “catastrophe” and holds a significant value in Palestinian history. May 15, 1948 witnessed the devastating displacement and dispossession of the Palestinians from their lands, which coincides with what the settler state of Israel considers the day of its “independence.” Though the displacement had begun much earlier, 

 marks the official day of commemoration for the violence that involved more than 70 massacres, killing of 15,000 Palestinians, and destruction of about 530 cities and villages.

 resulted in occupation of 78% of Palestine and it being termed as “Israel.” This atrocious event didn’t happen in a vacuum. It originated with British interference and the fundamental extremist ideology of Zionism. Palestine, considered to be the holy land promised to them by God, was decided upon by Zionists to settle in who claimed it a state for their own race.

In 1799, Napoleon Bonaparte, the French conqueror, aimed to defeat the Ottoman Empire that had been reigning over the land earlier. He called upon the Jews as reinforcements, promising them support in the “reclamation” of their land and in their fight against their “oppressors”. Though he was defeated, the seed was sown. The Ottoman Empire fell in 1914, resulting in the British occupying Palestine for its imperial interests. The British revived Napoleon’s policy and vowed for a “national home” for the Jews in Palestine. By 1919, Zionist migration, aided by the British, intensified.

Chaim Weizmann, the prominent propagator of Zionism, and later the President of the state of Israel, aimed to make Palestine “as Jewish as England is English.” This view was radically propagated through media, mobilising and propagandising the Jews. The scripture was used extensively to justify the self-proclaimed entitlement of the Jews to reclaim their land which was allegedly “wrongfully” occupied by the Arabs. Chaim even used his political influence in Britain, exerting force on the politicians, thus explaining the British support. By 1935, the population of Jews was already 27%.

During the Nazi regime in Germany, around 30-60,000 European Jews found refuge in Palestine which offered them shelter when no other European nation would. British interference and its support for Zionism-inspired settler colonialism, however, necessitated revolts from the Arab Palestinians. The British-aided Zionists propagated violent displacement of the Arabs from their lands and occupied the land for themselves alone. This Arab Revolt which lasted till 1939 was violently crushed: Around 2000 homes were destroyed while 9000 Palestinians were subjected to torture in concentration camps.

The British, fearing clashes between the natives and the settlers, tried to control migrations of European Jews. Due to this, Zionist armed groups declared war on Britain in 1944. By 1947, the British were gripped by concerns about losing their own civilian peace and security. They handed over control to the newly-formed United Nations, which legislated for a two-state solution through Resolution 181 which in itself was biased and imbalanced. War broke out between the Palestinian Arabs and the Zionists.

The Zionists launched vicious attacks on the natives, forcing them out of their homelands, amounting to ethnic cleansing. This event is termed 

, the catastrophe. Displacements and massacres were happening even before the 15th of May. 440,000 Palestinians were driven out from 220 villages, and most infamous massacres had already happened. During first half of 1949, 750,000 people were forced to flee as internal refugees, mostly to Gaza, and some to West Bank and Syria.

The Palestinians were unable to defend themselves because they were a colonised territory, having faced British colonialism for a long time. With the heavily scrutinised movement of person and parcel, it was not really possible for them to stand against the strong military of the British and the Zionists. Furthermore, most of the people killed were men, further reducing the capacity of defence. People who were already refugees in their own land were starving for food, let alone have money to buy arms: “

I swear to God, we tasted it; we tasted starvation like no one else did

,” said Hosni Mohammad Smada, a refugee. Another, Sami Kamal Abdul Razek, said, “

When the British were preparing to leave Palestine, we didn’t have weapons. My father gave me money and I bought a gun with only three bullets for 100 Palestinian liras.

” Medical aid too became a bleak commodity.

With the current scenario of the incessant raids, arrests, assaults and murders in the occupied West Bank, the inhuman carpet-bombings of Gaza following the “unforeseen” 7 October Hamas attack on Israel, and the forced occupation of Jerusalem, the inevitability of another Nakba looms poignantly large over the Palestinians. Arbitrary arrests, encounters, demolitions and restricted movement across their lands, especially in light of the inhumane statements given by Israeli spokespersons, lend credence to this possibility.

Recently, videos of Palestinians, with their hands raised in surrender, crossing northern Gaza to the south in hopes of shelter, did the rounds of the internet. The refugees were targeted, attacked and bombed. They were on foot, moving in a massive crowd, displaced and re-displaced, losing their lands all over again. The picture was nothing short of another Nakba, unfolding right in front of one’s eyes.

Articles by Ifrah Fatima

Sufism: A journey into Mystical Islam

The Right To Speak: Diaspora Voices in Native Politics

From Art To Taboo: the Tawaifs of Awadh

Why you should know about the Nakba?

Sufism: A journey into Mystical Islam

The Right To Speak: Diaspora Voices in Native Politics

From Art To Taboo: the Tawaifs of Awadh

Why you should know about the Nakba?